Spears, Germs, and Cereal


Interesting paper, Climate shaped how Neolithic farmers and European hunter-gatherers interacted after a major slowdown from 6,100 BCE to 4,500 BCE:

The Neolithic transition in Europe was driven by the rapid dispersal of Near Eastern farmers who, over a period of 3,500 years, brought food production to the furthest corners of the continent. However, this wave of expansion was far from homogeneous, and climatic factors may have driven a marked slowdown observed at higher latitudes. Here, we test this hypothesis by assembling a large database of archaeological dates of first arrival of farming to quantify the expansion dynamics. We identify four axes of expansion and observe a slowdown along three axes when crossing the same climatic threshold. This threshold reflects the quality of the growing season, suggesting that Near Eastern crops might have struggled under more challenging climatic conditions. This same threshold also predicts the mixing of farmers and hunter-gatherers as estimated from ancient DNA, suggesting that unreliable yields in these regions might have favoured the contact between the two groups.

This is not a surprising result. I predicted this (along with many others) pattern in the late 2000s. It was just not plausible that a ‘spherical cow’ diffusion process characterized the expansion of farming. There is real topography and climate to deal with.

Jared Diamond’s Guns, Germs, and Steel comes in for a lot of criticism, but the insight of latitudinal migration being easier than longitudinal has been pretty spot-on. These authors find Neolithic expansion across the Mediterranean much faster and easier to model than that going north. Pretty clearly the Near Eastern farming cultural package was a poor fit to Northern Europe, and it took some adaptation for it to get good.

That being said, I think another aspect which is going to be impossible to model in a specific sense, is that there were political and social reasons for how and when these Neolithic lifestyles spread. To give a strange analogy, the massive internal war in the Arab Empire in the late 7th century gave Byzantium a major respite from external pressure and allowed it to recover. It’s totally plausible that chaos in a Neolithic tribal confederacy might give hunter-gatherer clans time to recover and retaliate.

The steel and the star

I recently recorded a podcast with Anders Bergstrom discussing his paper from a few years back, A Neolithic expansion, but strong genetic structure, in the independent history of New Guinea. This got me to thinking a bit about the patterns over the last ~5,000 years within the island, and more broadly. The island of New Guinea is about the size of Texas. That means it’s a bit larger than France. Much of the population is concentrated regionally in the highlands, where a productive system of gardening agriculture dates back 7,000 years.

One of the main results from Anders’ paper is that though New Guinea seems to undergone demographic expansion with the rise of agriculture, there is no evidence of star-phylogenies on the Y chromosome that you see elsewhere in the world, and genetic distances between populations seem to be rather high at a local scale. You’ll have to listen to the podcast (I think it will probably go live in August, so just subscribe) to get the precise way Anders said this, but one thing I got from the conversation is that the cultural and genetic diversity of the highlands is a function of evolution after a Neolithic expansion of a more homogeneous population. That is, I had assumed that the “Papuan” language family was an artificial construct where a bunch of different unrelated dialects was thrown together, but it seems perhaps they have a common genetic origin in an ancestral population that took up taro farming.

This has huge implications for the rate of linguistic evolution of human societies. Like genetic diversity linguistic diversity emerges in the context of cultural parameters. For example, without literacy and widespread trade, one can imagine oral dialects diverging rapidly. Similarly, without gene flow between neighboring populations, they can rapidly differentiate with small effective populations.

One thing I wonder about is how similar this was the spread of swidden agriculture in Europe. Where the Cardial and LBK cultures originally homogeneous, but eventually fractured into small paramountcies? And why and how did the steppe-derived populations roll over these populations so quickly, and give rise to the ‘star-phylogeny’ Y chromosomes we see today?

Bergstrom makes some general allusion to the emergence of metal. But at this point, geneticists usually pass the buck to prehistorians, archaeologists, and economists. What about the rise of metals resulted in the explosion of paternal lineages, and cranked up gene flow between neighboring populations?

The easy way to explain this is that spears and swords of metal impose the rule of the few upon the many. But I think we need to consider the economic consequence of widespread metal (especially iron) in agriculture, where clearing virgin and the second-growth forest became much easier for peasants, and the social and manufacturing systems needed to produce metal weapons and tools at scale. Combined with the mobility of the horse, the shift into the Bronze and Iron Age across Eurasia resulted in the rise of an almost totalitarian and globalist social order in comparison to the localized and decentralized village societies of the Neolithic.

Why farming was inevitable and miserable

There are many theories for the origin of farming. A classic explanation is that farming was simply a reaction to Malthusian pressures. Another, implied in Big Gods: How Religion Transformed Cooperation and Conflict, is that ideological factors may also have played a role in the emergence of sedentary lifestyles and so eventually farming.

I don’t have a strong opinion about the trigger for farming. What we know is that forms of farming seem to have emerged in very disparate locales after the last Ice Age. This is a curious contrast with the Eemian Interglacial 130 to 115 thousand years ago when to our knowledge farming did not emerge. Why didn’t farming become a common lifestyle then? One explanation is that behavioral modernity wasn’t a feature of our species, though at this point I think there’s a circularity in this to explain farming.

It seems plausible that biological and cultural factors over time made humans much more adaptable, protean, and innovative. We can leave it at that, and assume that the time was ripe by the Holocene.

Also, we need to be careful about assuming that modern hunter-gatherers, who occupy marginal lands, are representative of ancient hunter-gatherers. Ancient hunter-gatherers occupied the best and worst territory in terms of productivity. If territory is extremely rich in resources, such as the salmon fisheries of the Pacific Northwest, then a hunting and gathering lifestyle can coexist with dense sedentary lifestyles. But the fact is that in most cases hunting and gathering can support fewer humans per unit of land than agriculture.

The future belongs to the fecund, and if farming could support larger families, then the future would belong to farmers. Though I don’t think it was just a matter of fertility; I suspect farmer’s brought their numbers to bear when it comes to conflicts with hunter-gatherers.

Of course, farming is rather miserable. Why would anyone submit to this? One issue that I suspect needs to be considered is that when farming is initially applied to virgin land returns on labor are enormous. The early United States is a case of an agricultural society where yeoman farmers, what elsewhere would be called peasants, were large and robust. They gave rise to huge families, and never experienced famine. By the time the frontier closed in the late 19th century the American economy was already transitioning to industry, and the Malthusian trap was being avoided through gains in productivity and declining birthrates.

The very first generations of farmers would have experienced land surplus and been able to make recourse to extensive as opposed to intensive techniques. Their descendants would have to experience the immiseration on the Malthusian margin and recall the Golden Age of plenty in the past.

And obviously once a society transitioned to farming, there was no going back to a lower productivity lifestyle. Not only would starvation ensue, as there wouldn’t be sufficient game or wild grain to support the population, but farmers likely had lost many of the skills to harvest from the wild.

Finally, there is the question of whether farming or hunting and gathering is preferable in a pre-modern world. I believe it is definitely the latter. The ethnography and history that I have seen suggest that hunters and gatherers are coerced into settling down as farmers. It is never their ideal preference. This is a contrast with pastoralism, which hunting and gathering populations do shift to without coercion. The American frontier had many records of settlers “going native.” Hunting was the traditional pastime of European elites. Not the farming which supported their lavish lifestyles.

Many of the institutional features of “traditional” civilized life, from the tight control of kinship groups of domineering male figures, to the transformation of religion into a tool for mass mobilization, emerged I believe as cultural adaptations and instruments to deal with the stress of constraining individuals to the farming lifestyle. Now that we’re not all peasants we’re seeing the dimishment of the power of these ancient institutions.