
The oldest free standing timber building in China dates to 782. The Songyue Pagoda dates to 523, but it’s made of brick. In contrast great public buildings made of marble still exist in the Western world that date back to antiquity. The Pantheon became a church and so is preserved in nearly its full glory. Public buildings and historical architecture are great. But the valorization of the principle can come at a price.
Willamette Week has an article up on the attempt to “maintain historic character,” and how it prevents the emergence of affordable housing. Portland’s Laurelhurst Neighborhood Fights to Keep the Housing Crisis Out:
At the end of last month, residents of Laurelhurst turned out in record numbers to vote in their neighborhood association election for one reason: to get protection from developers.
The winning candidates pledged to bypass City Hall and ask the National Park Service to declare much of the 425-acre eastside neighborhood a historic site.
By being labeled “historic” the residents can block development, and preserve the state of their neighborhood the way they like it. They are very explicit about what they want to do:
By seeking to make the neighborhood a historic district, Laurelhurst residents are taking aim at what they see as the neighborhood’s greatest enemy: a real estate developer with a backhoe, bent on tearing down 100-year-old houses to replace them with apartments, a duplex or a huge new house.
“The whole street—it will look like Beaverton by the time they’re done,” says John Deodato, a longtime Laurelhurst homeowner who says he gets 20 letters a month from developers seeking to buy his home. “The city won’t do anything about it unless we do.”
Beaverton is a suburb of Portland. Though the analogy is imperfect, if Portland is West LA, Beaverton is Irvine. The connotation of this insult is clear to any Oregonian. It’s a sneer at those without refined sophistication and breeding.

The recent neighborhood association seats were contested. The outcomes were clear:
More than 800 people voted in the election—a record for the neighborhood, and more than 10 times the number of voters in the previous election. The vote went overwhelmingly for the historic district candidates. Pratt, the pro-historic district candidate for president, won just under 80 percent of the vote.
It is no surprise that the people who live in Laurelhurst are voting to protect their interests. Their implicit gated community, with its high property values. They may be progressive in their avowed values, but when their self-interest is at state, they make sure to take care of their self-interest and conserve what they have the way they like it.
There are of opponents to this trend of gentrified Portland neighborhoods. They profile an alliance between a developer and the head of 1000 Friends of Oregon, a nonprofit which favors density over sprawl. Below is some of their rationale, along with what someone in Laurelhurst has to say about these men:
“The reasons we are involved with this bill has nothing to do with whether the home builders are involved with it,” says McCurdy. “The bill increases housing opportunities—diverse housing opportunities and affordable housing opportunities—all of those inside our towns and cities, which is part of the land-use deal that we as Oregonians have had in place for 40 years.”
McCurdy believes what’s happening in Laurelhurst is a “misuse of historic district designation to prevent change.”
Critics of the bill call 1000 Friends’ and the home builders’ support an unholy alliance.
“Gov. McCall would be spinning in his grave to see his beloved 1000 Friends of Oregon organization working side-by-side with the Home Builders Association, buying into the alt-right, fake-news theory of demolition as the cure for affordability,” wrote Tracy Prince, vice president of the Goose Hollow Foothills League, in a May 17 letter to legislators.

The article has a definite slant against the Laurelhurst neighborhood association. The author of the piece lives in Northeast Portland, so she’s able to see through the pleading for the “special character” of Laurelhurst (in fact, records indicate that she is a recent transplant to the city from New York City, so her sympathies are likely not with the old-timers). At one point the author interviews a man who is living out of his pickup truck in Laurelhurst. He’s making $12 an hour, and couldn’t afford a place elsewhere in Portland, let alone Laurelhurst. She notes that “A Craigslist ad posted last week shows a restored attic in this neighborhood renting for $1,000 a month” in the neighborhood.
The piece concludes:
Pratt, the neighborhood association president, knows plenty about homelessness. A couple years ago, he served on the board of social services agency JOIN, which coordinates shelter beds.
Pratt acknowledges Portland needs to build more housing. But not too much of it in Laurelhurst.
“Everybody says the solution to homelessness is housing,” he says. “I don’t think the solution is that every neighborhood looks the same, and every neighborhood has everything, and your neighborhood [has] no uniqueness anymore.”
People have interests. But they don’t want to admit those interests in public. The Laurelhurst neighborhood association’s attempt to gain historic designation is regulatory arbitrage. They want to preserve their neighborhood and property values, and not let in the riff-raff have any space. Earlier in the piece there is a quote from the association president: “Pratt warns that if Laurelhurst isn’t allowed to decide what gets developed within its boundaries, the neighborhood will indeed become cheaper eventually—because it will become hideous.”
Beauty is important. It has value. But if we need to sacrifice beauty for affordability, at some point the latter does have to overrule the former.
The political Left on the national level is at least waking up to the problem. Recently Mother Jones wrote Berkeley Says It’s Standing Up to Trump, But It’s Actually Busy Arguing About Zucchini. The title comes from this passage:
At Tuesday night’s city council meeting, which touched on a number of housing issues, this dissonance was on display in a resident’s complaint about a proposed new building that would cast shadows on her zucchini plants. The project was returned to the city’s Zoning Adjustments Board. The zukes live another day.
“Delaying or denying housing approvals suggests to Berkeley neighbors that their stalling tactics will work, and invites more of them in the future,” web developer Kevin Burke wrote in a letter to the council after the meeting, expressing his disappointment with the decision. “I would also much rather have a zucchini garden crisis than a housing crisis.”

Yesterday and today on Twitter there was a discussion about post-doc salaries. To a great extent this is a stage in academic life when the salary range is compressed because there are broad national guidelines and expectations. The median post-doc makes $46,000. The 10th percentile is $37,000, and the 90th percentile is $65,000.
So let’s compare some universities and their locales. In US News Stanford has the #2 genetics graduate program and Washington University in St. Louis the #5 program.


There are genuine benefits of starting a career in the Bay Area. For an academic you have access to world-class institutions, with the Stanford, UCSF and Berkeley triangle, and UC Davis and UC Santa Cruz just beyond the horizon, and other institutions like San Francisco State to fill out the landscape. For a techie you know where the “action” is. If you are a single person, a $125,000 salary at Google won’t allow to you live luxuriously, but you can survive. Hopefully you’ll be able to make connections that help you later on, when you inevitably have to ask for a transfer because you want a house and a family.

We can debate the merits of this system. One can make a case for giving those with deep lineage in an area privileges over newcomers. I lived in a house in Berkeley where the property owner told me once that he paid on the order of 15 times less tax than his neighbor, because the house had been in the family for 60 years. It was purchased by his grandparents, and owned by his mother, and it had passed on to him. His profession was as a part-time photographer and musician. Because his tax bills were so modest he could rent out rooms in the house and and survive in Berkeley even though his non-property income was irregular and not particularly high (when I lived in his house he would complain that he didn’t want to purchase health insurance due to the cost).

How did we get here? I think I’ve outlined a major part of how we got here. Many places people want to live are extremely expensive because supply of housing is constrained.
Houston has a great food scene, but quaint and charming is not something anyone would say about it. But it is very affordable. And, the fourth largest city in this country. It lacks zoning. In contrast San Francisco is beautiful. There is something special about it, from the feces on the sidewalks in the Tenderloin to the beauty of the Golden Gate bridge. Something would be lost if one allowed it to develop vertically. But do we want the city to become a playground for the wealthy and those born into old families of the city? Because that’s what’s happening with the choices we’re making in this country.


According to a cost of living calculator a “salary of $50,000 in St. Louis, Missouri should increase to $304,167 in Palo Alto, California.”
First, this treats housing as if it is a consumable such as food. Rentals may be that, but purchasing housing is not. The cost of the latter doesn’t just disappear into ether – it is more like enforced savings, the value of which is realized when sold (and furthermore, both the costs of purchase and benefits of sale are tax-incentivized).
Second, some localities, e.g. Palo Alto, commands a higher premium, because this enforced savings has demonstrated a much higher return over the years compared to others.
For example, I know a doctor who started his practice about 30+ years ago. He considered job offers in Northern California and a medium-sized, but (at the time) fast growing city in the Midwest. He chose the latter for a variety of financial and personal reasons. Eventually he bought a house for $1.5 million. Today that house is worth roughly $500,000. Occasionally someone asks him about “what if…” In other words, what a $1.5 million house in Northern California from 20-25 years ago would be worth today…
Third, I don’t think every city needs to be the same. I don’t personally care for San Francisco, but there should be choices. Some might prefer the San Francisco mix, others may opt for Houston. We can all vote with our feet to some extent. That’s one of the great things about this country.
many East Asian societies have built buildings out of perishable materials like wood and so not prized historicity of structures.
This is right on the mark. I can speak from personal (and family) experience as I grew up partly in East Asia. People in Japan and South Korea, in particular, pay a premium for new housing. There is a heavy discount on used goods (considered “dirty”), including housing. It’s very common in the region to demolish old housing stock (even high-rise condominiums) to build new ones even when there is nothing structurally wrong with the old. Often it is to increase density vertically, but the preference for new also plays a strong role.
In that environment, housing is not going to be built to be durable, given the high likelihood of redevelopment in the relatively near future.
Would not be possible for Stanford to open a new campus in a more affordable place elsewhere in California? Then housing prices in Palo Alto would probably go down.
What are the underlying causes of this? How much of it is simply about capital gains, how much is schools, how much is segregation-by-proxy?
About books you listed in the article, have you read this one? https://www.amazon.com/Triumph-City-Greatest-Invention-Healthier/dp/0143120549
Deals with some topics you mentioned.
@Francisco
No need to move, just to develop. Stanford’s campus is 12.8 sq mi, mostly undeveloped land.
http://www.stanforddaily.com/2016/11/27/stanford-reveals-plans-for-campus-development-through-2035/
I live in a *very* affordable town that has many neighborhoods that have been ruined by student rentals and I can say that I personally have had to call the police dozens of times due to loud music, Etc. My longtime friend’s family also had to move from his childhood home because a subsidized housing apartment complex was built across from his house…there have also been student riots…I could go on. That said, we also have a historic preservation committee that is total bullshit and is run by a guy who owns an antiques store. His goal is to prevent old houses that should be condemned from being torn down because he wants to make money by selling “historic” parts to the landlords.
So I can see both sides and I don’t have much to add because I don’t know what the answer is but I do greatly envy people who have chosen to live in planned communities because they probably don’t have these problems. Zoning is just so critical but it is meaningless if it is done organically over a period of 100 years like ours is because the zones end up all balkanized and bumping into each other.
If you’re looking at self-interest in a very narrow, financial sense, NIMBYism is often self-defeating, at least when it comes to blocking upzoning. In say this because zoning ultimately restricts the value of an asset – land – by limiting the number of possible uses, along with the intensity of use. For example, with upzoning, homeowners have the option of building a second home in their backyard and renting it out, providing them with an additional source of income, along with inflating the property value. In extreme cases, upzoning may result in the value of the house itself decreasing, but the increase in value for the property – which can now be used as part of the footprint for a small apartment building – should more that make up the difference. And sometimes the remaining single-family houses scattered in upzoned areas continue to be very desirable – try looking at what the remaining houses in the core of Vancouver cost these days.
I’m not sure how much of the fear of upzoning might be a legacy of the “urban renewal” era – where a highrise tower plopped into your neighborhood was almost assuredly low-income housing which would lead to a decline in neighborhood property values. Much of it is likely simply instinctual fear of any sort of change, along with our hyper-fragmented system of governance which allows a handful of busybodies to control agendas for entire neighborhoods. It’s one of the few elements of the economy we’ve almost completely socialized, and we’ve done it in the most terrible imaginable manner – by allowing the majority of many U.S. metropolitan areas to be effectively controlled by housing cartels.
Re: The east asian relative preference for wooden structures vs stone for Europeans, do you know of current theories as to why this difference arose?
Twinkie, “I don’t think every city needs to be the same”: straw man. Also, on RE economics: no, owner-occupied RE is just as much consumption as renting (it just has an additional investment component), and you’ve got the causality reversed: Palo Alto historically returned high because prices skyrocketed (market expectations of growing demand with constrained supply).
Karl Zimmerman: it’s only financially self-defeating if the NIMBYs have any intent to add units to their property or to sell to a developer and move. Those actions involve risk and work. Much easier to just earn dwelling-unit-permit rents.
Regardless, I think you have a good point: I intuit that most NIMBYs would vote NIMBY even without the financial benefit. But I similarly intuit that the financial benefit gives the behavior a strength and sustainability it wouldn’t have if it were financially neutral or costly. Furthermore, even if rents aren’t the only motive, the policy is still incredibly selfish/harmful and needs to be labeled accordingly.
“housing cartels” good succinct description.
I looked into Japan in particular a few years ago, because it’s anomalous compared to the U.S. and even most of Europe in that housing costs even in areas which are seeing growth in population and desirability have barely risen at all. The difference is basically due to three things, from what I can see.
1. As Twinkie noted, housing is seen as an asset which continually depreciates in value (like a car) rather than an asset which holds value provided it is properly maintained. As a result, the act of “holding out” impoverishes you rather than enriches you, even in upscale areas.
2. Zoning is done on the national level. There are only 12 zoning types which cover the whole country. Cities can have minimal say in areas like green space, setbacks, and allowing higher densities in certain areas, but they can’t write their own zoning code.
3. Zoning can deal with the outside of the structure – things like height and floor-area ratios. It doesn’t deal with the inside of the structure. This means that in a strictly residential zone, there’s noting stopping you from building an apartment building, provided it otherwise meets the form requirements for the zone. Basically it’s the inverse of the Supreme Court case Village of Euclid, Ohio v. Ambler Realty from 1926, which gave us zoning as we know it by ruling cities could ban small apartment buildings which look functionally identical to single-family homes.
These elements, grouped together, appear to make for cheap housing. The first is likely impossible without organic cultural change however, and achieving any sort of national zoning law is politically impossible (although there are state movements to preempt local zoning gaining steam now).
This is one of those topics where everyone from Reihan Salam to Matt Yglesias to Steve Sailer is on the same page.
However, the Laurelhurst types seem to have all the power, influence, and the status quo works to their advantage.
https://www.city-journal.org/html/preservation-follies-13279.html
http://www.slate.com/blogs/moneybox/2013/04/11/san_francisco_zoning_needs_more_density_and_tall_buildings.html
http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/politics/2014/06/san_francisco_housing_policy_it_would_be_a_better_city_if_twice_as_many.html
http://blogs.reuters.com/reihan-salam/2013/08/23/in-new-york-the-rent-doesnt-have-to-be-too-damn-high/
http://www.unz.com/isteve/rob-reiner-makes-his-stand-against-whole-foods-in-the-great-vacant-lot-of-malibu/
@Mabandalone, I really don’t have any idea, when we talk about stone, we are perhaps talking about Roman concrete and Roman brick, and then their descendant technologies of the European post-Roman period. Possibly a technological difference? Seems like brick would have been relatively important in wood poor circum-Mediterranean, so perhaps there were some improvements to early brick production that passed on to Europe and were improved and then brick construction processes that didn’t develop as much in East Asia, as they just weren’t as important.
Freakonomics Radio podcast: “Why Are Japanese Homes Disposable?”
http://freakonomics.com/podcast/why-are-japanese-homes-disposable-a-new-freakonomics-radio-podcast-3/
” … [H]alf of all homes in Japan are demolished within 38 years — compared to 100 years in the U.S. There is virtually no market for pre-owned homes in Japan, and 60 percent of all homes were built after 1980. In Yoshida’s estimation, while land continues to hold value, physical homes become worthless within 30 years. Other studies have shown this to happen in as little as 15 years.”
“Does this make sense? Not according to Alastair Townsend, a British-American architect living in Japan, who is perplexed — and awestruck — by the housing scenario there: ‘TOWNSEND: The houses that are built today exceed the quality of just about any other country in the world, at least for timber buildings. So there’s really no reason that they should drop in value and be demolished.'”
“Jiro Yoshida, a professor at Penn State University who specializes in real-estate economics, tells us that, per capita, there are nearly four times as many architects in Japan as in the U.S. … and more than twice as many construction workers. There is also a huge demand for new homes. When you put all those numbers together, it sounds like a pretty typical housing boom — and yet Japan has a shrinking population and a long-stagnant economy.”
“Richard Koo, chief economist at the Nomura Research Institute, has argued in a paper called “Obstacles to Affluence: Thoughts on Japanese Housing” that whatever the rationale behind the disposable-home situation, the outcome isn’t desirable: KOO: ‘And so you tear down the building, you build another one, then you tear down the building, and you keep on building another one, you’re not building wealth on top of wealth … And it’s a very poor investment. Compared to Americans or Europeans, or even other Asian countries where people are building wealth on top of wealth because your house is [a] capital good. And if you do a certain amount of maintenance you can expect to sell the house at a higher price. But in the Japanese case once you expect to sell it you expect to sell at a lower price 10 or 15 years later. And that’s no way to build an affluent society.'”
I think it’s ultimately something that has to be solved at a higher level of government than the city or county level. Japan’s a premier example of this, and Karl Zimmerman beat me to it with a very good explanation on how that works.
But there’s plenty of local examples as well. Rent control in New York City was curbed at the state level, stopped altogether at the state level in Washington, and so forth. The Ellis Act that allowed landlords to stop being landlords even if they couldn’t find someone willing to buy up the lease was a state-level law in California.
A few more follow-up comments about housing in East Asia:
1. The preference for using wood, rather than stone, as building material in Japan may have to do with the history of earthquakes there. It’s easier to make earthquake-resistant (or -safer) housing with wood than it is with stone.
2. I can’t emphasize strongly enough how important “new” is in East Asia. Used goods, including housing, suffers a heavy discount. Used is considered dirty. “Vintage clothing,” for example, which enjoys popularity among some “hip” Westerners is just other people’s trash in East Asia. So land is an appreciating asset, but building is a depreciating one.
3. There is also some strangeness (from a Western perspective) to renting housing. In South Korea, for example, you can lease a house or apartment by lending the owner a big chunk of cash (some fraction of the would-be sale price) for one year, interest-free. At the end of the year, you can stay on and keep lending the owner the money or he returns the money to you and you vacate the house. I suspect this is a leftover from the days when the credit market was very rigid.