Spears, Germs, and Cereal


Interesting paper, Climate shaped how Neolithic farmers and European hunter-gatherers interacted after a major slowdown from 6,100 BCE to 4,500 BCE:

The Neolithic transition in Europe was driven by the rapid dispersal of Near Eastern farmers who, over a period of 3,500 years, brought food production to the furthest corners of the continent. However, this wave of expansion was far from homogeneous, and climatic factors may have driven a marked slowdown observed at higher latitudes. Here, we test this hypothesis by assembling a large database of archaeological dates of first arrival of farming to quantify the expansion dynamics. We identify four axes of expansion and observe a slowdown along three axes when crossing the same climatic threshold. This threshold reflects the quality of the growing season, suggesting that Near Eastern crops might have struggled under more challenging climatic conditions. This same threshold also predicts the mixing of farmers and hunter-gatherers as estimated from ancient DNA, suggesting that unreliable yields in these regions might have favoured the contact between the two groups.

This is not a surprising result. I predicted this (along with many others) pattern in the late 2000s. It was just not plausible that a ‘spherical cow’ diffusion process characterized the expansion of farming. There is real topography and climate to deal with.

Jared Diamond’s Guns, Germs, and Steel comes in for a lot of criticism, but the insight of latitudinal migration being easier than longitudinal has been pretty spot-on. These authors find Neolithic expansion across the Mediterranean much faster and easier to model than that going north. Pretty clearly the Near Eastern farming cultural package was a poor fit to Northern Europe, and it took some adaptation for it to get good.

That being said, I think another aspect which is going to be impossible to model in a specific sense, is that there were political and social reasons for how and when these Neolithic lifestyles spread. To give a strange analogy, the massive internal war in the Arab Empire in the late 7th century gave Byzantium a major respite from external pressure and allowed it to recover. It’s totally plausible that chaos in a Neolithic tribal confederacy might give hunter-gatherer clans time to recover and retaliate.

The steel and the star

I recently recorded a podcast with Anders Bergstrom discussing his paper from a few years back, A Neolithic expansion, but strong genetic structure, in the independent history of New Guinea. This got me to thinking a bit about the patterns over the last ~5,000 years within the island, and more broadly. The island of New Guinea is about the size of Texas. That means it’s a bit larger than France. Much of the population is concentrated regionally in the highlands, where a productive system of gardening agriculture dates back 7,000 years.

One of the main results from Anders’ paper is that though New Guinea seems to undergone demographic expansion with the rise of agriculture, there is no evidence of star-phylogenies on the Y chromosome that you see elsewhere in the world, and genetic distances between populations seem to be rather high at a local scale. You’ll have to listen to the podcast (I think it will probably go live in August, so just subscribe) to get the precise way Anders said this, but one thing I got from the conversation is that the cultural and genetic diversity of the highlands is a function of evolution after a Neolithic expansion of a more homogeneous population. That is, I had assumed that the “Papuan” language family was an artificial construct where a bunch of different unrelated dialects was thrown together, but it seems perhaps they have a common genetic origin in an ancestral population that took up taro farming.

This has huge implications for the rate of linguistic evolution of human societies. Like genetic diversity linguistic diversity emerges in the context of cultural parameters. For example, without literacy and widespread trade, one can imagine oral dialects diverging rapidly. Similarly, without gene flow between neighboring populations, they can rapidly differentiate with small effective populations.

One thing I wonder about is how similar this was the spread of swidden agriculture in Europe. Where the Cardial and LBK cultures originally homogeneous, but eventually fractured into small paramountcies? And why and how did the steppe-derived populations roll over these populations so quickly, and give rise to the ‘star-phylogeny’ Y chromosomes we see today?

Bergstrom makes some general allusion to the emergence of metal. But at this point, geneticists usually pass the buck to prehistorians, archaeologists, and economists. What about the rise of metals resulted in the explosion of paternal lineages, and cranked up gene flow between neighboring populations?

The easy way to explain this is that spears and swords of metal impose the rule of the few upon the many. But I think we need to consider the economic consequence of widespread metal (especially iron) in agriculture, where clearing virgin and the second-growth forest became much easier for peasants, and the social and manufacturing systems needed to produce metal weapons and tools at scale. Combined with the mobility of the horse, the shift into the Bronze and Iron Age across Eurasia resulted in the rise of an almost totalitarian and globalist social order in comparison to the localized and decentralized village societies of the Neolithic.

The European Neolithic, in fits and starts

On this week’s episode of The Insight I discussed the field of cultural evolution with Richard McElreath. The author of Mathematical Models of Social Evolution, he was in a good place to explain why the field is relatively formal. This is in contrast for example to modern American cultural anthropology. Basically, formality keeps you honest and allows you to be wrong. Verbal arguments are amenable to subtle and not so subtle updating so as to dodge the acceptance that a model is false nearly indefinitely. Words are just imprecise enough that miscommunication can creep into the discourse.

I thought of this while reading The First Farmers of Europe: An Evolutionary Perspective. This book outlines the latest results from a variety of fields and refutes once and for all one particular mathematical model of how agriculture spread to Europe. I am alluding here to the “wave of advance” model for the spread of agriculture in Europe (most forcefully pushed by Albert Ammerman and L. L. Cavalli-Sforza). The general idea here is that farming spread through demographic increase and the diffusion of the excess population as a particular region achieved its carrying capacity. Like R. A. Fisher’s ambition to make evolutionary genetics as regular as the laws of thermodynamics, the proponents of this viewpoint were attempting to reduce a complex cultural process down to a few parameters.

And certainly, it was a useful null model in its time.

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Domestication of Rice in the Amazon

A new paper, Evidence for mid-Holocene rice domestication in the Americas, suggests that the Amazon basin was very culturally productive in the pre-Columbian period. What happened? From the conclusion:

The arrival of Europeans to the American continent in AD 1492, with the consequent population decimation and impact on cultural practices, caused the domesticated traits to gradually disappear. The loss of domesticated varieties is a phenomena that has also occurred for other indigenously domesticated species in both South….

One of the novel arguments in Charles C. Mann’s 1491 is that our idea that the Amazon basin has always been a pristine wilderness could be incorrect. Mann relays the theories of revisionist scholars who argue that at one point in history much of the basin was subject human landscape manipulation, with concentrated burnings allowing for increased productivity in the normally poor soil of the region. Of course, this triggered a counterattack from classical scholars.

If these results about rice domestication are confirmed and become solid I think this would lean toward supporting the arguments of the revisionists, whose side Mann seems to favor in any case.

A major general theme in 1491 is that the Columbian Exchange was a disaster for New World peoples, though relatively positive for the Old World. European access to land surplus in the New World has been given as one reason for the economic takeoff of this region (“ghost acres”), while maize introduced into China was responsible for its great population expansion in the centuries leading up to 1800.

In contrast, the consensus seems to be that New World populations suffered massive population declines (some of this has been confirmed by genetic evidence) driven in large part, though not exclusively, by introduced Old World diseases. Mann argues that early fantastical reports of a dense network of villages along the Amazon (which may have fueled legends of El Dorado) actually reflect the reality that in the 16th century the riverine civilization had not collapsed due to disease. At least not yet.

Let’s stipulate that rice domestication in the Amazon was occurring before 1492. This adds another independent domestication event during the Holocene. Basically, agriculture seems to be something that pops up over and over again after the end of the last Ice Age. Why? As I have suggested before a lot had changed since the previous interglacial over 100,000 years before the present. Our cognitive orientation and our cultural toolkit seem to evoke agriculture relatively quickly and independently.

Second, the indigenous peoples of the Amazon today are predominantly hunters and gatherers or slash & burn agriculturalists. Relatively simple societies. In 1491 the author outlines that that mass death often resulted not directly from disease, but the fact that the debilitation of large proportions of the population then led to famine, which led to social disruption and institutional collapse, which then fed into more death and destruction. Today we perceive the Amazonians as “ancient” and “primal” nomads of the forest, just as their tropical homeland is seen to be eternal and everlasting. This, despite the fact that many of them even today are agriculturalists, albeit of a low-intensity sort. But as they are, perhaps so we could be. Complex societies seem to unravel awful quickly when subject to exogenous “shocks.” Perhaps we should be grateful for our “Pleistocene minds.” You never know when a swiss-army-knife mind is going to come in handy….

Note: the natives of the Amazon are unique in the Americans is having a very basal Asian ancestry in their heritage.

(via Dispatches from Turtle Island)